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1、LANGUAGEANDLINGUISTICS5.1:99-129,20042004-0-005-001-000016-1InternallyHeadedRelativeClausesinAustronesianLanguagesEdithAldridgeSUNY,StonyBrookItiswellknownthatmanyAustronesianlanguageshavehead-initialandhead-finalrelativeclauses.ThispaperreportsthattheAtayaliclanguageSeediqandthePhilippinelangua
2、geTagalogadditionallyhaveinternallyheadedrelativeclauses.Inthispaper,Ifirstidentifytheformalandstructuraldifferencesamongthethreetypesofrelativeclauseintheselanguages.Inparticular,Idistinguishthehead-finalfromthehead-internaltypebyshowingthattheformerexhibitevidenceofremnantTPmovementto[Spec,DP]
3、froma[DCP]structure,asperKayne’s(1994)proposalforhead-finalrelativeclausederivation.Thehead-internalvariety,ontheotherhand,donotshowevidenceofmovementandthereforequalifyasinternallyheadedrelativeclauses.Fortheirderivation,IproposeananalysissimilartoBasilico(1996),inwhichtheheadnominalmovestoacla
4、use-internalpositionwhereitcanbeboundbyanoperatorin[Spec,CP].SupportforthisquantificationalanalysisofSeediqandTagaloginternallyheadedrelativeclausesisprovidedbythefactthatparallelstructuresareemployedintheselanguagesforotherconstructionsinvolvingbindingfromexternaloperators,includingwh-insituand
5、clausescontainingweaklyquantifiedarguments.Keywords:internallyheadedrelativeclauses,Austronesian,antisymmetry,remnantmovement1.IntroductionItisfrequentlyreportedinthedescriptiveandtheoreticalliteraturethatAustronesianlanguageshavehead-initialrelativeclauses(Dixon1988,Georgopolous1991,Josephs1975
6、,Lee1975,Sneddon1996,Sohn1975,Topping1973,Finer1998).SomeAustronesianlanguages,particularlyPhilippineandFormosan,havealsobeencitedashavinghead-final(typicallyinadditiontohead-initial)relativeclauses(Ramos1971,Schachter&Otanes1972,Reid&Liao2001,Chung1998,H.-C.Chang2000,Y.-L.Chang2000a,b,M.-C.Huan
7、g2000a,b,Wu2000,Yeh2000,Zeitoun2000a,b,c,Li2000).Donohue(1999)andTangetal.(1998)discussrelativeclausesinTukangBesiandPaiwan,respectively,wheretheheadcanappeartotheleftorrightoftheclause.Bothsuggestthattheformercouldbeanalyze
